What is the exact crime rate among asylum seekers from the Maghreb according to the SEM?

According to the 2024 internal analysis of the Secretariat of State for Migration (SEM), the rate of charges for crimes among asylum seekers from the Maghreb exceeds 80%. In particular, among Algerians with rejected applications, it reaches almost 90%, while the overall average for all Maghreb countries, including applicants in the ongoing procedure, stands at around 80.5%.

Why does Beat Stauffer exclude cultural or religious causes?

According to Stauffer, young Maghrebis are often culturally closer to Europe than other asylum seekers. The expert attributes crime mainly to socio-economic factors: alarming poverty, precariousness, loss of trust in the State, absence of illusory perspectives and images of Europe spread by social networks. It is therefore not a phenomenon rooted in cultural or religious values but in material despair.

What is the difference between irregular economic migrants and genuine asylum seekers?

According to Stauffer, irregular economic migrants "completely ignore the outcome of the asylum procedure", knowing that they have less than a 1% chance of obtaining it. For them, committing crimes represents a different rational calculation. On the contrary, those who really hope to obtain international protection know that criminal behavior during the procedure would be counterproductive and irrational. This distinction explains the high rate: many of the accused asylum seekers fall into the first category.

Why do Swiss prisons have almost no deterrent effect?

The expert explains that "the deterrent effect of a Swiss prison is practically nil compared to that of a North African prison". Stauffer cites the case of an unaccompanied minor who, after a few days in prison, did not want to return to the reception center because he had not found the detention conditions harsh. Moreover, many misdemeanours against property rarely lead to preventive detention, further reducing the deterrent effect.

What solutions does Stauffer propose to address the phenomenon?

Stauffer proposes structural cooperation with the Maghreb countries through investments in vocational training and facilities for young people in difficulty. The opening of legal channels for labour migration would be fundamental. In return, North African governments should ensure readmission without bureaucratic hurdles and speed up documentation times, solving the current problem of failed returns that often take a year or more.

Asylum and crimes, the expert: prisons are not scary

Di Redazione Frontaliere Ticino · Published on 25 August 2026

Swiss federal administration building in Bern housing the State Secretariat for Migration

Crime rate over 80% among asylum seekers from the Maghreb. According to expert Beat Stauffer, the causes are socio-economic and Swiss prisons have almost no deterrent effect.

Context

In brief

Crime rate among asylum seekers from Maghreb exceeds 80% (SEM 2024 data)
Socio-economic causes, not cultural according to expert Beat Stauffer
Swiss prisons practically useless as a deterrent
Repatriations greatest deterrent, but procedures often fail

Key Facts

What: Analysis of crime among asylum seekers from Maghreb
When: 2024, data from the State Secretariat for Migration
Where: Switzerland (federal asylum procedure)
Who: SEM and expert Beat Stauffer (10+ years in centers and prisons)
Percentages: 80% overall, 90% Algerian applications rejected, 80.5% average Maghreb
Asylum probability: Less than 1% for many applicants

An accusation rate for crimes exceeding 80% among asylum seekers from the Maghreb: this is the 2024 data contained in an internal analysis by the State Secretariat for Migration (SEM), taken up by the newspaper Blick and at the center of intense debate at the national level. Maghreb region expert Beat Stauffer did not hide his surprise: 'I am surprised and shocked,' he told colleagues at 24Heures.

Stauffer, however, offers a more nuanced interpretation. Among Algerian applicants whose asylum application had been rejected, the rate reached nearly 90%. The expert believes that, once their application was rejected, some acted as if they had nothing left to lose. The overall average for all Maghreb countries, including also people whose asylum procedure is still ongoing, stands at around 80.5%.

A relevant figure for the debate on migration in Switzerland: this is not a marginal phenomenon, but a trend involving tens of thousands of people according to SEM statistics. Stauffer's analysis rules out easy explanations. 'It is not about cultural or religious factors. Young Maghrebis are often culturally closer to Europe compared to asylum seekers from other regions.'

The decisive distinction: economic migrants vs. genuine applicants

According to Stauffer, the key interpretation lies in a fundamental distinction: 'These are economic migrants in irregular situations who, fundamentally, don't give a damn about the outcome of the asylum procedure. For those who truly hope to obtain asylum, committing a series of crimes while waiting would be counterproductive and irrational.' The rational calculation changes radically when the probability of protection drops below 1%. For those who don't believe in the procedure, the risk of legal consequences loses its deterrent force. Discover how the cost of living in Switzerland affects the vulnerability of migrants.

Operational details

According to Stauffer's analysis, the causes of crime lie primarily in socio-economic factors rather than in cultural or religious elements. The explanation has its roots in material conditions: 'Poverty and precariousness have become alarming'. Many young people known as 'harraga' come from unfortunate families and contexts marked by violence and abandonment from childhood. 'They were confronted with violence and abandonment very early on. These young people have lost faith in their own State, as well as hope that one day the situation may improve for their generation'.

To this material desperation is added a deep distrust towards public institutions and the absence of concrete prospects. Stauffer further emphasizes how social networks contribute to feeding an illusory image of Europe, built around cars, parties, freedom and easy money. Yet, even knowing they have less than 1% chance of obtaining asylum, many still decide to leave. The gap between the expectations created by digital communication and the reality on the ground generates frustration, which in some cases leads to illegal behaviour.

The practically zero deterrent effect of Swiss prisons

A crucial element emerges from the analysis on criminal deterrence. 'The deterrent effect of a Swiss prison is practically zero compared to that of a North African prison', states Stauffer. The expert cites a concrete case: an unaccompanied minor asylum seeker, after a few days in prison for an offence, did not want to return to the reception centre because they had not found the detention conditions particularly harsh. Furthermore, those who commit minor offences against property rarely end up in pre-trial detention, further reducing the deterrent effect.

Far more deterrent would be the prospect of repatriation. Returning to one's own country without money and without documents would represent a strong source of shame towards one's family — a cultural element that is far from marginal. However, repatriations often fail due to structural problems in identification. False personal details or inaccurate information about place of birth can make it difficult to obtain the necessary documents from consulates, with procedures that can take a year or more. This bureaucratic failure also undermines the most powerful deterrent identified by the expert. Discover legal migration opportunities and employment integration programs in Switzerland.

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Key points

Stauffer, who taught for over ten years in Swiss asylum centers and prisons, also highlights the consequences of this situation for citizens originally from the Maghreb who live legally in Switzerland. In his view, many suffer from the negative image associated with the behavior of some of their compatriots and from the damage to the reputation of a region also known for its hospitality and cultural heritage. The entire legitimate Maghrebi community suffers the consequences, beyond the personal responsibility of each individual.

As for possible solutions, the expert does not propose simple and immediate answers. The numbers explain the complexity: one million young people would have abandoned school in Tunisia over fifteen years, and among 2-2.5 million Moroccans between 15 and 30 years old, many find themselves without training or work. Stauffer's proposed path goes through closer cooperation with Maghreb countries, through investments in facilities for street children and in vocational training. Beyond that, there would need to be an opening of legal channels for labor migration, which would allow young Maghrebis to seek income opportunities in a regular manner.

International Cooperation and Current Obstacles

In return, Stauffer argues, North African governments should guarantee the readmission of their citizens without bureaucratic obstacles, speeding up the identification and documentation processes that today make forced deportations ineffective. The proposal is not purely theoretical: it requires bilateral investments in vocational training in countries of origin, creation of local employment opportunities, and, above all, a redefinition of migration channels from 'illegal' to 'regulated'. A migration policy based on prevention and cooperation, rather than on repression and incarceration, could address at the root the socio-economic drivers that fuel the phenomenon observed in the 2024 data. Plan your financial future in Switzerland: use the calculator to understand your economic and pension rights.

Source: tio.ch

Frequently Asked Questions

What is the exact crime rate among asylum seekers from the Maghreb according to the SEM?: According to the 2024 internal analysis of the Secretariat of State for Migration (SEM), the rate of charges for crimes among asylum seekers from the Maghreb exceeds 80%. In particular, among Algerians with rejected applications, it reaches almost 90%, while the overall average for all Maghreb countries, including applicants in the ongoing procedure, stands at around 80.5%.
Why does Beat Stauffer exclude cultural or religious causes?: According to Stauffer, young Maghrebis are often culturally closer to Europe than other asylum seekers. The expert attributes crime mainly to socio-economic factors: alarming poverty, precariousness, loss of trust in the State, absence of illusory perspectives and images of Europe spread by social networks. It is therefore not a phenomenon rooted in cultural or religious values but in material despair.
What is the difference between irregular economic migrants and genuine asylum seekers?: According to Stauffer, irregular economic migrants "completely ignore the outcome of the asylum procedure", knowing that they have less than a 1% chance of obtaining it. For them, committing crimes represents a different rational calculation. On the contrary, those who really hope to obtain international protection know that criminal behavior during the procedure would be counterproductive and irrational. This distinction explains the high rate: many of the accused asylum seekers fall into the first category.
Why do Swiss prisons have almost no deterrent effect?: The expert explains that "the deterrent effect of a Swiss prison is practically nil compared to that of a North African prison". Stauffer cites the case of an unaccompanied minor who, after a few days in prison, did not want to return to the reception center because he had not found the detention conditions harsh. Moreover, many misdemeanours against property rarely lead to preventive detention, further reducing the deterrent effect.
What solutions does Stauffer propose to address the phenomenon?: Stauffer proposes structural cooperation with the Maghreb countries through investments in vocational training and facilities for young people in difficulty. The opening of legal channels for labour migration would be fundamental. In return, North African governments should ensure readmission without bureaucratic hurdles and speed up documentation times, solving the current problem of failed returns that often take a year or more.